AK Fazlul Huq was born into a middle class Bengali Muslim family in 1873 at Bakerganj. His father, Muhammad Wazid was a lawyer, and his grandfather Kazi Akram Ali, was a Mukhtar and a scholar of Arabic and Persian. AK Fazlul Huq was Assistant Registrar of Co-operatives from 1908 to 1912, when he resigned and enrolled in the Calcutta High Court as a Lawyer.  

He attended the All India Muhammadan Educational Conference in Dhaka from 27 to 29 December 1906. The conference led to the formation of the All India Muslim League. He became Secretary of Bengal Provincial Muslim League, and Joint Secretary of All India Muslim League, and was elected to the Bengal Legislative Council in 1913. He was Education Minister of Bengal in 1924, and served on the council until 1934 for 21 years. 

Huq became Joint Secretary of the Indian National Congress in 1917, and served as its General Secretary in 1918. He concurrently held the position of President of the All India Muslim League and General Secretary of the Indian National Congress in 1918. He was one of those who were instrumental in formulating the Lucknow Pact of 1916 between the Indian National Congress and the Muslim League. 

In 1929, he founded the All Bengal Tenants Association. He was elected first Muslim Mayor of Calcutta in 1935, and a member of the Central Legislative Assembly from 1934 to 1936.  

When the first provincial general elections were held in 1937, Huq transformed the All Bengal Tenants Association into the Krishak Praja Party, and won 36 seats in the Bengal Legislative Assembly against 37 of Muslim League. It was the third largest party after the Congress and Muslim League. Huq formed a coalition with the Bengal Provincial Muslim League and independent legislators. He was elected as the Leader of the House and the first Prime Minister of Bengal.  

On 25 August 1941, the Working Committee of the AIML passed a resolution, calling upon Sir Sikander Hyat Khan, Sir Mahomed Saadullah  and Mr. Fazlul Haq, Premiers of the Punjab, Assam, and Bengal respectively to resign from the National Defense Council. Sir Sikander and Saadullah expressed their willingness to resign; Mr. Fazlul Haq was given ten days to decide. On 25th August 1941, Secretary of League, Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan, sent a telegram to Mr. Fazlul Huq followed by a letter dated 26 August 1941, enclosing a copy of the decision of Working Committee asking him to resign from the National Defense Council. 

On 8th September 1941, Mr. Fazlul Huq wrote to Secretary of League, Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan, that it was early in July that Viceroy conveyed his wishes to me through my Governor that I should serve on the proposed NDC as the Premier of Bengal representing this province. I signed assent because I felt it my duty to do so. I knew that I being was selected in my official capacity as Premier and, therefore, no objection to my being a member of the Defense Council could possibly arise. 

I was, however, surprised to read a statement from the President of the League, as soon as the personnel of the Council was announced that he considered my action as well as some other members of the League as highly objectionable that he was constrained to consider as to what action should be taken to express his disapproval of our conduct.  

I at once issued a short statement explaining the position that of the Premiers and contending that the Premiers were selected in their official capacity and, therefore, they could not, as long as they remained the Premier of their provinces refuse to render any serviced demanded of them by His Excellency the Viceroy.  

I thought that the position was clear and the matter would rest there. But I was extremely pained to find that the statement made by the President of League had given a wrong lead to Muslim public opinion and there was an outcry calling upon us to resign from the membership of the Defense Council … I was amazed that it had been decided to take disciplinary action against us … However much he might have been empowered by the Madras resolution to take any action against any erring member, he should never have done anything without hearing our explanation and without giving full consideration to whatever facts and arguments we may have had to place in support of our action. This is an elementary constitutional right, which everyone can claim and which can be overridden only in the case of grave emergency, which however cannot be pleaded in the present case. I also maintain that his subsequent decision to refer the matter to the Working Committee was meaningless … The Working Committee endorsed the action of the President because they had no alternative before them. If they had refused to ratify the President’s action, it would have amounted to a vote of no-confidence in the President, and this contingency the Working Committee was not prepared to face … 

I submit that even ordinary courtesy required that he should have given us at least a warning before he announced his decision to take disciplinary action … He gave us no opportunity to explain our position and took us unawares, as if he was anxious to make a public exhibition of his authority … I maintain that the acceptance of membership of the Defense Council does not in any way involve a breach of the League principle or policy. What the League rejected last year was the offer of the Viceroy to form an expanded War Council composed of Indian States and the representative of political parties of India. The present Defense Council will not be composed of Indian States and representatives of political parties, but of Indian States and representatives of various provinces… We were selected because we were Premiers  …  the membership of the Defense Council does not involve a violation of the principle and policy of the League … I have delivered public speeches by hundreds, and spoken on radios in aid of war efforts. Up to now the President has not expressed disapproval of these efforts, but on the contrary has even allowed prominent Muslim League leaders to act likewise throughout India … Therefore, I do not find any justification for resiling from the position which I had originally taken up to stick to the membership of the Defense Council, in spite if the view expressed by the president of the League and endorsed by its working Committee. … The indiscreet and hasty statement made by the President announcing to the world that we were guilty, and thereby creating a feeling in the minds of the Muslims that we accepted the membership of the Defense Council from motives of personal interests … I find, therefore, that I am faced with an embarrassing dilemma. If I allow my sober judgment to prevail, I feel I ought to adhere to the Defense Council. But I also feel that my continuance in the NDC, especially after other Premiers have vacated their seats, will create a situation, which will lead to a split in the ranks of the Muslim Community in India … In these circumstances, I feel that no useful purpose will be served by my being a member the NDC. I am therefore going to request His Excellency the Viceroy through my Governor to give me leave to tender my resignation from the NDC. In taking this step I have had before me the sole desire to avoid conflict in the ranks not merely in the Muslim League but also in the Muslim community in India. In this respect the reasons for my resignation are different from those of Sir Sikander Hyat Khan. He is alleged to have resigned because he felt convinced that he had acted under a misconception of facts; I resign because although I am convinced I was perfectly right in accepting the membership of the Council, my continuance in the Council would jeopardies the interest of the community. Sir Sikander feels he was wrong and has rectified a mistake; I feel I was right, but I cannot continue to be a member in view of possible consequences. … 

I am not doing so because I accept the interpretation of the President … But before I conclude I wish to record a most emphatic protest against the manner in which the interest of the Muslims of Bengal and the Punjab are being imperiled by Muslim leaders of the provinces where the Muslims are in a minority, popularly known among Muslims as the minority provinces of India. Except in Bengal and the Punjab which together amount for nearly 50 millions of Muslims and nearly 50 percent of total Muslim population of India. The remaining 50 millions of Muslims are scattered throughout the continent in such a manner that they are in a most hopeless minority in the so-called minority provinces … in some cases the Muslims dwindling to about 4 or 5 percent of the population. … Naturally enough they think that just as all their own political prospects are bleak and barren even so is the case with the Muslims of Bengal and the Punjab. … if they meddle too much with the politics of the majority provinces they will do so at the peril of the interests of the entire Muslim community of India. 

They do not care for the repercussions on the politics of the Muslims of Bengal and the Punjab of any decision they may take with regard to Muslim India as a whole. … I will never allow the interests of 33 millions of the Muslims of Bengal to be under the domination of any outside authority… I was condemned before I could put before the President my point of view. This condemnation of mine was endorsed by Muslim leaders all over India before they had even the means of knowing why I had accepted the Viceroy’s invitation to serve on NDC. … I have felt very strongly the manner in which circumstances have been so stage-managed that I have now no alternative but to act against my considered judgment … As a mark of protest against the arbitrary use of powers vested in the president. I beg to tender my resignation from the membership of the Working Committee and the Council of All-India Muslim League … The proper course for the President to follow in the matter under discussion should have been to refer the question at issue to the decision of the Provincial Muslim Leagues. The President of the AIML has signally failed to discharge the heavy responsibilities of his office in a constitutional and reasonable manner … That recent events have forcibly brought home to me that the principles of democracy and autonomy in AIML are being subordinated to the arbitrary wishes of a single individual who seeks to rule as an omnipotent authority over the destiny of 33 millions of Muslims in the province of Bengal who occupy the key position in Indian Muslim Politics’. 

Sher-e-Bangla (the Tiger of Bengal) Abul Kasem Fazlul Huq (1873-1962) told the Quaid-e-Azam, ‘You have the impertinence to ask for an explanation from me. Let me remind you that I have been associated with the Muslim League for a longer period than any other Muslim politician in India now living … You are now the President of the League, but I held this very position as long ago as 1919, and I presided at the Delhi Session of the All India Muslim League in 1918. It was after the Bengali Muslims had been practically driven out of the League, owing to the intrigues at Delhi and Simla, that you managed to get yourself pitchforked into the position’. 

On Thursday 11th September 1941, Jinnah stated that it is full of misstatements and misrepresentations and wholly unjustifiable. 

On Sunday 14 September 1941 at Calcutta, two meetings of the Muslims of Bengal was held side by side in the afternoon in the maidan, one supporting and other attacking with black flags letter of Huq to Liaquat. The meeting convened by the Calcutta District Muslim League was presided over by Khan Bahadur Abdul Momon; while the other was presided over by Sir Abdul Halim Ghuznavi MLA (Central). 

On Monday 15th September 1941, Liaquat replied to Huq that the Working Committee considers the allegations contained in Mr. Fazl-ul Huq’s letter are untrue, offensive and cast serious aspersions on the President, the Working Committee and the Council of the League and Muslim Leaguers of the province where Muslims are in a minority. 

On 16 September 1941, Huq’s supporters moved no confidence motion in the Bengal Legislative Assembly against H. S. Suhrawardy, the Finance, Labour and Commerce Minister and General Secretary of Bengal Provincial Muslim League. The motion was in the names of Jalaluddin Hashmy and Ghiasuddin of Krishak Proja party, Zaman of Congress Labour, Hashim, Mozammel and Badruzoa of Coalition Party. The Coalition Ministerialist Party met at 3 p.m. under the presidentship of Mr. Fazlul Huq. And about half an hour before the Assembly was schedule to meet, the Speaker Sir Azizul Huq intimidated his inability to attend because of his health. Deputy speaker adjourned the Assembly till 18 September 1941, and left. K. B. Afzal presided over an informal meeting of the coalition party members and secured signature on a petition to the Governor that they have no confidence in the Finance Minister, H. S. Suhrawardy. 

On Wednesday 17 September 1941, Governor called a meeting which was attended by Chief Minister AK Fazlul Huq, Home Minister Sir Nazimuddin, Revenue Minister Sir. B. P. Singh, Leader Forward block, Sarat Chand Bose, Leader Congress Party, Kiran Sankar Roy, Leader Krishak Party Shamsuddin Ahmed, Leader European Group WAM Walker, Leader Hindu Mahasabha Shyama Prasad Mookerjee. Governor announced his decision to prorogue the Assembly on 18 September 1941, and call it in November. As a result apprehended ministerial crisis was averted. 

         On Friday 19th September 1941, a call in the name of Islam to stand up and fight for the great ideal of Pakistan, was made by Chaudhry Khaliquzzaman while inaugurating the first session of the Bengal Muslim Students Pakistan Conference at the Town Hall of Calcutta. Maulana Akram Khan presided. Suhrawardy hoisted the flag. 

On Friday 19th Sept 1941, Mr. Fazl-ul Huq stated that I have not severed my connection with the Muslim League, for I am a member of it and still the President of Bengal Provincial Muslim League. I have no wish to break Muslim Solidarity. 

On Tuesday 14th October 1941, Mr. Fazl-ul Huq spoke at the founding of Navajug a Bengali daily, to protect the interest of Muslims of Bengal, a new organ of Bengali Muslims, as Muslim owned newspapers in Bengal were not doing what was expected of them although he is the president of Bengal Muslim League, therefore those who are his followers had to have one which would serve their mouthpiece. Poet Kazi Nazrul Islam, one of the editors, said that paper would be free from all communal bias and fear God and no one else. 

On 26th October 1941, Huq wrote to Liaquat, I feel that the matter relating to my letter addressed to you should be disposed of in my absence. My presence in the discussion may put some members of the League in an awkward position. I myself would be put in an awkward position if I were to be present at the time criticisms are made when this letter comes up for discussion. I shall be grateful if you convey my regards to the President that I shall not be able to attend the meeting. 

On 27 October 1941 at Delhi, both the working Committee and the Council of Muslim League met and passed resolution against expanding Governor-Generals Executive Council and associating with it persons representing nobody except themselves. 

On 27 October 1941, the Council of AIML concluded its session in Delhi at 11 pm. The Council endorsed the resolution of the Working Committee considering the allegations contained in the letter of Mr. Fazlul Huq resigning from the Working Committee and the Council as untrue and offensive and casting serious aspersions, and calling upon him to withdraw those allegations within ten days. A meeting of the Working Committee was summoned on November 16 to consider, among other things what action is called for against Mr. Fazlul Huq in the light of his explanation. 

On 28 October 1941, Jinnah said that Mr. Fazlul Huq met him at 3 pm and promised to write to him. Outside the residence of Mr. Jinnah, Mr. Fazlul Huq told the press that I will not submit to Hitlitirite Methods. Let the League expel me. My position in the Bengal Assembly is unassailable. 

On 28th October 1941, Mr. Fazlul Huq wrote to Khwaja Hasan Nizami, ‘With reference to your telephonic talks with Jinnah and your desire that I should inform you about my decision, I have to say that I agree to withdraw my letter of resignation from the Working Committee and the Council and this letter may be taken as my letter of withdrawal. Regarding the suggestion that I should withdraw all allegations made in that letter, I confess I am unable to do so. I shall be prepared to withdraw allegations which are untrue and offensive but this requires calm thinking, of which I am incapable with my temperature of 102. Besides I must consult my friends from Calcutta. I am too ill and weak to write anymore. 

On 14 November 1941, Huq wrote to Liaquat acknowledging his letter and apologizing for hurting feelings of anyone. On 16th November 1941, the working Committee of the All-India Muslim League accepted the explanation of Huq and decided that no further action is necessary. 

On the evening of 28th November 1941 a meeting was held at the residence of JC Gupta with Mr. AK Fazlul Huq and all opposition group. Mr. Sarat Bose drew a document, which was signed, by him, Leader of Krishak Party, Shamsuddin Ahmed, Deputy leader of the Progressive Party K. B. Hashemali Khan and the leader of the Independet Schedule caste Party Mr. Hem Chandra Nasker.  

On 2 December 1941, Huq resigned and on Wednesday 3rd December 1941, The Progressive Assembly Party formed by supporters of Mr. AK Fazlul Huq decided to join the Progressive coalition Party and decided not to attend the meeting of Ministerialist Coalition Party called for next day. 

A meeting of the Working Committee was requisitioned by MAH Ispahani, MLA, presided over by Maulana Akram Khan, attended by Home Minister Sir Nazim-ud-Din, Finance Minister HS Suhrawardy, Agriculture and Industry Minister Tamiz-ud-Din Khan, Chief Govt Whip Shahab-ud-Din. Mr. AR Siddiqui and Mr. MAH Ispahani, presented the resolution that the formation of the Progressive Party and the Progressive Coalition Party has undermined Muslim solidarity and strikes at the vey root of the creed and ideals of the Muslim League and threatens to make supreme the influence of the Congress, the Forward Block and Hindu Mahasabha in the administration of Bengal … The Committee directed all Muslim League members of Legislature to form themselves into the Bengal Legislature Muslim League Party and called upon all League organisations in the province to hold meetings and give directions to their representatives in the Legislature to join and support the Bengal Legislature Muslim League Party. 

On Thursday 4th December 1941, the first formal meeting of the Progressive Coalition Party was held at the residence of Prime Minister Mr. AK Fazlul Huq. One hundred and two members belonging to various groups in the Assembly attended the meeting and unanimously elected him leader of the party. Mr. AK Fazlul was proposed by Sarat Chandra Bose, the leader of the Congress Parliamentary Party and was seconded by Shamsuddin Ahmed, the leader of Krishak-Proja party. The proposal was supported by by Dr. Shyamprasad Mookerjee, the leader of the Nationalist Party, Mr. Hem Chandra Nasker the leader of the Independent Schedule Caste Party and JW Chippendale (Anglo-Indian), The Judicial and Legislative Minister Nawab Musharraf Hosain and Khan Bahadur Hashemali Khan the Deputy Leader of Progressive Assembly Party. 

On Thursday 4th December 1941, the Ministerialist Coalition Party met in the evening at the Council House and dissolved the party, which was formed in 1937. In accordance with the decision of the Working Committee of the Provincial Muslim League, the League members of the Bengal Assembly and Council, at a meeting in the Assembly House formed themselves into a new party to be known as the Bengal Legislature Muslim League Party with Sir Nazim-ud-Din as its leader. The meeting appointed a nine-member committee to draft the constitution and programme of the party. The election was in accordance with Islamic idea and method. No body offered himself as a candidate and members voted to any member they wanted. Nazim-ud-Din received the largest number of vote and elected as leader of the party. Name of others was not given by KB Abdul Momin, Joint Secretary of the All India Muslim League who was returning officer. 

On Friday 5th December 1941, Mr. MA Jinnah congratulated the members of Muslim League in Bengal for having formed the Muslim League Party in the Assembly and having elected Sir Nazimuddin as their leader. I appeal to every Muslim Leaguer, in particular, and other Muslim members of the Bengal Assembly to loin the party and maintain the solidarity and unity of Muslim Bengal to meet the machinations of over half a dozen miscellaneous groups, who have come together and call themselves as a coalition party merely on the basis of causing disruption amongst the Mussalmans and are otherwise poles asunder. And Mr. Fazlul Haq has accepted the leadership of such a combination.  I regret that Mr. Fazlul Huq has been a party to intrigue with other groups and has broken away from the Muslim League. He has been now for some considerable time trying to stab the Muslim League in the back and now his open departure from the League. I hope will enable the Muslim League Party to work on sound healthy and honorable lines. 

On 5th December 1941, Mr. Fazlul Haq replied to Mr. MA Jinnah; 

Once again the President has unfortunately condemned me unheard. The statement has been issued by the President apparently on the representation of a group in the Cabinet, which has been for sometime, openly hostile to me, and trying to stab me in the back. I propose to lay all the facts before the President for his consideration and judgment. As regards the formation of the Progressive Coalition Party. I can assure the President that the Muslim members are still loyal to the Muslim League, but they cannot consciously follow the dictates of certain persons who are using the Muslim League for their own personal gain and advantage. 

On 5 December 1941, Four .Muslim ministers, namely, Sir Nazimuddin, the Nawab Bahadur of Dacca, HS Suhrawardy and Tamizuddin Khan, made the statement that Mr. Fazlul Haq has off and on during last two years, if not longer, been in secret consultation with Mr. Sarat Bose, the leader of the congress Forward Bloc and certain Hindu Mahasabha leaders for the formation of an alternative Ministry … matters came to a crisis when Mr. Fazlul Haq wrote a letter to the Secretary of the All India Muslim League casting aspersion against Jinnah and challenging the bonafides of the Working Committee and the Council of All India Muslim League … of the Muslims of  the minority provinces and attempting to create a serious division in Muslim ranks by raising the Bengal and non-Bengali question in relation to All India politics and threatening to dissociate the Muslims of Bengal from the All India Muslim League … a motion of non-confidence against one of us who was the Secretary of the Bengal Provincial Muslim League … 

On 7 December 1941, Premier of Bengal, Mr. Fazlul Huq, issued appeal to drastically change the Indian constitution to satisfy the aspiration of people. And on 8th December 1941, Mr. Fazlul Huq wrote to Jinnah to call a meeting of the League working Committee or the Council to solve the communal problem of India. In a Calcutta meeting, he appealed to the League Council members to support him, they should call upon Mr. Jinnah to summon an emergent meeting of the Council or the Working Committee. In reply Jinnah wrote that your appeal conveys the impression that I am unwilling to come to a settlement about the unfortunate deadlock for which the Congress alone is responsible and that your move will show that Muslims are divided. 

On Monday 8th December 1941, resignation of Mr. Fazlul Haq cabinet submitted on 2nd December was accepted. And On 11 December 1941, Mr. Fazlul Haq formed a new ministry with Dr. Shyamaprasad Mookerjee, working President of All-India Hindu Mahasabha and Leader of the Nationalist Party in the Assembly, and Nawab Bahadur of Dacca as members. Mr. Fazlul Haq added six more ministers to his cabinet on 17th December 1941. 

On 11 December 1941, MA Jinnah President of AIML expelled Mr. Fazlul Haq from membership of the Working Committee and the Council of AIML and provincial, district and primary Leagues of Bengal and ordered that Mr. Fazlul Haq shall not be eligible for membership of the Muslim League organization … The Bengal Legislature Muslim League party did not accept the resignation by Nawab Bahadur of Dacca instead expelled him from the party for his disloyalty and betrayal. 

 On 12 December 1941, Huq formed the second coalition government. The coalition was supported by most members in the Bengal Legislative Assembly, except for the Muslim League. Supporters included the secular faction of the Krishak Praja Party led by Shamsuddin Ahmed, the Forward Bloc founded by Subhash Chandra Bose, pro-Bose members of the Bengal Congress and the Hindu Mahasabha led by Syama Prasad Mukherjee. 

On Friday 26 December 1941, Mr. MA Jinnah addressing the fifth session of the All India Muslim Students Federation held at Nagpur said that if Gandhi added a fourteenth point to his thirteenth point constructive program namely Pakistan then a solution of the Hindu Muslim problem would be easy. … Muslims had no friends. They were surrounded by opponents in all directions and particularly in the CP where 4% of the population was terrorized … It is obvious that this wretched constitution which was enacted in 1935 – even the provincial constitution  - has been a dismal failure in this country. We will have to revise our notions and ideas as to future … Nothing will succeed which is unjust, unfair and dishonest … Muslims had no designs on the Hindus or any other sister community, but Muslims would not submit to the domination of others in this sub-continent…. The motive behind the Mahasabha’s call to the Hindus to fill the ranks of the Army, Navy and Air Force was to destroy the Pakistan scheme. … the demand for a declaration of Dominion status one or two year after the end of war was made so that constitution could no longer be framed with the consent of the minority party…. Jinnah quoted Gandhi’s own statement to show that the ultimate object of this satyagraha was not to ensure freedom of speech but the final goal- Purna Swaraj. … referring to the Huq episode, Mr. Jinnah said: I make a Christmas present of Mr. Fazlul Huq to lord Linlithgow. I make a New Years gift of the Nawab of Dacca to the Governor of Bengal. I am glad that the Muslim League is rid of them. I am confident that League will emerge stronger without these men who are guilty of gross breach of faith and betrayal of the Muslims in India. No man is indispensible in our organization. 

On 29 December 1941, Mr. AK Fazlul Huq replied to Jinnah that having been born on a Christmas day, God Almighty has made a gift of him to the British people. I can only tell him that we can no longer be the subject-matter of gifts as both the Nawab Bahadur and I have made a gift of ourselves to the projas of Bengal. 

On 20 June 1942, Mr. Fazlul Haq formed an organizing committee with Minister Nawab Bahadur of Dacca as President and MLA Syed Badrudduja as Secretary to replace the present un-Islamic Muslim League of India. He said that there has been fabric of lies and vilifications by my political enemies to crush me. I cannot remain silent anymore that his enemies brought about the dissolution of the Cabinet at the beginning of December 1941 by resigning abruptly. He foiled them by forming a coalition with the Congress, the Krishak Projas, the Hindu Mahasabha and other groups with which they were hoping to make a coalition. The present Muslim League does not have in its fold various essential sections of Muslims such as Jamiat-i-Ulema-e-Hind  who are the most learned authority on Muslim theology, the Momins, Ahrars, the Khudai Khidmatgars, the Khaksars and most of Muslims of Sind and other provinces. The ideal of the Progressive Muslim League will be Islam first and Islam throughout without ignoring the legitimate rights of other communities. Islam came with a mission to the whole of mankind. Unity between Muslims and other communities is fundamental necessity for the political advancement of India. It serves neither the Muslims nor anybody else. It pretends to be exclusively Muslim, but is really leading even the Muslims to political ruin and disaster. 

Mr. Fazlul Haq described Jinnah more haughty and arrogant than the proudest of the Pharos. He said that the policy pursued by the present Muslim League is neither Islamic nor patriotic.  

The Congress launched the Quit India movement on 9 August 1942, which was followed by British political repression.  

No-confidence motions were moved in the assembly on 24 March and 27 March 1943. On both occasions the motions were defeated by narrow margins. The governor asked Huq to sign a prepared letter of resignation on 28 March 1943. He was Prime Minister of Bengal from 1937-1943 for 6 years.  

When Fazlul Huq ministry fell, the Quaid-i-Azam openly rejoiced; speaking to the 30th session of All-India Muslim League at Delhi in April 1943, he said, ‘...Today Fazlul Huq is no more, and I hope that for the rest of his life he will be no more... Bengal has set an example from which others may take a lesson. It is now the voice of the League, the voice of the people, it is now the authority of the millat that you have to bow to, though you may be the tallest poppy in the Muslim World ... But I regret to say that the Punjab has not yet played the part that it ought to play. I particularly appeal to the delegates from the Punjab—people are all right in the Punjab— when you go back, please—I won’t say anything more—please substitute the love of Islam and your nation in place of sectional interests, jealousies, tribal notions and selfishness. For these evils have overpowered you and you are being ground down for the last 200 years... Don’t forget the minority provinces. It is they who were the spearheads that Congress wanted to crush with their overwhelming majority in the Muslim minority provinces. It is they who suffered for you in the majority provinces, for your sake, for your benefit and for your advantage.”(Zaidi, Vol vi, 41-43) 

 A League dominated ministry was commissioned with Nazimuddin as the Prime Minister.  

Huq’s party won fewer seats during the Indian provincial elections, 1946. 

After the partition of British India, Huq settled in Dhaka and became the Advocate General of the Government of East Bengal for 1947 to 1952. 

On 31 December 1948, while delivering a presidential address at a literary conference, Huq proposed a language academy for the Bengali language. He supported the Bengali Language Movement in 1952. Huq was injured during police action against demonstrators demanding that Bengali be made a state language of Pakistan. 

Huq formed the United Front (East Pakistan) coalition along with Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy and Maulana Bhashani, which won a landslide victory during the East Bengali legislative election, 1954. Huq defeated Sir Khawaja Nazimuddin in the Patuakhali constituency. Huq became chief minister for two months. During his short lived ministry, he took measures to establish the Bangla Academy.  A report in The New York Times stated that Huq wanted independence for East Bengal, which trigged his dismissal and the imposition of Governor General’s rule, and Huq was placed under house arrest. 

However, he was elected to the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan, and became Home Minister in a coalition in August 1955, between his Krishak Sramik Party and Muslim League lead by Chaudhry Muhammad Ali who became Prime Minister. Huq was appointed Governor of East Pakistan in 1956 until the 1958 coup d'état, and was again placed under house arrest. Huq died in Dacca, East Pakistan on 27 April 1962. 

Quaid with sister